Kilimanjaro's Conflicting Historical Layers and the Neo-Colonialism of Tourism, Part II




A Move to Mass Tourism: Aesthetic Experiences of the Natural World

During the colonial period, there was a shift to a transport of aesthetic values and cultural products. The sudden colonial thirst for nonmaterial goods could be satiated by the awe-inspiring experiences of nature found outside of the tame, ''modern'' European landscape, leading to the rapid development of mass tourism. The aesthetic ideal of watching the ''blood red'' sun shining ''over Africa'' from the summit of Kilimanjaro - counterintuitively snow-covered while located by the equator in an otherwise flat landscape - is a remnant of the colonial ''triumph'' over the continent, now embedded in European media's representation of Africa as a whole, and making it profitable through exploitation of its resources.




Independence Without Spiritual Ownership

Kilimanjaro's peak, previously known as Kaiser Wilhelm Peak, symbolizing German imperial dominance, was renamed ''Uhuru Peak'' (Freedom Peak), after Tanzania's independence. This performative act of re-interpretation of a transnational symbol goes to show the cultural power Kilimanjaro holds because of its natural splendour and colonial history. However, many other glaciers remain named after European climbers, including the Hans Meyer Peak on Mawenzi or the Furtwangler Glacier on Kibo.

In traditional Chagga beliefs it was forbidden to climb Kilimanjaro's peak out of respect to the mountain spirits: the promotion of tourism in the postcolonial state does not match with the locals' rights to spiritual ownership of the mountain. Nonetheless, as a remnant of colonial relations, many Chagga people are now employed as mountain guides and porters within the large-scale tourism industry.


Post Colonial Tourism

The increased visits to the Kilimanjaro region have led to the neglect of local population, making them step aside if not in service of the tourism industry. A ritual site has been transformed to a point where the local Chagga and Maasai were forbidden to access certain areas where paths were open for tourists. The collection of many resources, such as wood or grass, has also been restricted to the detriment of the locals' quality of life but to generate large-scale international income instead.

Although Kilimanjaro tourism has become a major source of Tanzania's income, there is an increasing concern over water supply, amplified by the growing number of hotel complexes overconsuming water. This exacerbates the disempowerment of locals in managing Kilimanjaro's resources. 


The western dominance over non-European ''wilderness'' has also lead to an idea of nature conservation that justifies the expulsion of the local Chagga and Maasai from their native land. Although locals are commonly employed as porters or guides at the Kilimanjaro climbing expeditions, they live in poverty, while tourists often choose to stay at expensive hotel complexes, with Tanzanian tour operators profiting the most.


 ''All of this recalls the status quo of colonial times, which today is highly marketed as a neo-colonial “light” version''


The wish to protect this area results in the industry itself driving its destruction. To fully understand this simultaneous celebration and destruction, one must study the underlying processes of the shift in the global tourism industry and the appropriations of the past to provide insight into the problems faced by most aesthetic hot spots sought by tourists.


''The international industry is grounded on a scalar hierarchy of attractions, and as Kilimanjaro ranks high on these scales the mountain is firmly in the industry’s grip''


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